Tape 200 - Jimmy Carter: presidential prospects, economic advisors, economic positions, background

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-	Hello, this is David Francis,	0:02
	financial editor of the Christian Science Monitor.	0:04
	I'd like to welcome you again,	0:07
	on behalf of Instructional Dynamics Incorporated, to a visit	0:09
	with MIT's Nobel Prize winning economist Paul Samuelson.	0:13
	Well, Professor Samuelson, it begins to look	0:17
	like the next president of the United States	0:19
	will be Jimmy Carter.	0:22
	This week of mid-June he has pretty well sewed up	0:23
	the Democratic nomination,	0:27
	and a poll by the New York Times	0:29
	would indicate that even a sizeable number of members	0:31
	of the minority Republican party	0:35
	intend at present to vote	0:36
	for the former Georgian governor come November.	0:38
	Of course, I suppose some event could change this pattern	0:42
	in the next three-plus months,	0:46
	but if Mr. Carter is elected,	0:48
	what will it mean for the nation's economy?	0:51
-	Well, David, I think it's a little premature to elect	0:57
	as president a candidate who hasn't yet quite received	1:02
	the primary nomination from his own party,	1:06
	and as you know, one thing about the polls,	1:10
	like the stock market, is that they do oscillate	1:13
	and this is certainly	1:16
	the beginning of a	1:20
	of a high point for Jimmy Carter.	1:22
	He's regarded as a man of mystery.	1:26
	People say one thing about Carter is	1:31
	you don't know where he stand on the issues	1:33
	except that he wants to be president.	1:36
	I think that, from a Machiavellian viewpoint,	1:39
	that may have been one of his great virtues.	1:43
	One of the reasons why he's been so successful.	1:45
	I wrote several months ago	1:50
	a Newsweek column	1:54
	on precisely this syndrome in Carter.	1:56
	I didn't, in discussing the fact	2:02
	that Carter was all things to all men and to all women,	2:04
	I didn't pass any editorial judgment against that	2:09
	or in favor of it,	2:13
	although I think some of my readers thought	2:15
	that I wouldn't have said that except by way of criticism.	2:17
	I'm not sure.	2:21
	Seems to me that Carter wants very much to be elected,	2:23
	and many people regard that in a politician	2:29
	as an undesirable trait.	2:32
	I'm not sure.	2:36
	I think that a person who has a healthy respect	2:38
	for the views of the electorate	2:42
	is, in many ways, what one wants in a democracy.	2:45
	The last thing one wants is a person	2:48
	of extremely strong independent conviction,	2:51
	which, of course, if it's on the side of the angels,	2:55
	may be absolutely marvelous.	2:59
	But, as so often happens in this mundane world of politics,	3:01
	the person of independent convictions	3:07
	may be a person with unfortunate and stubborn convictions.	3:10
	And so, the first thing I ought to say before discussing	3:16
	the particular economic advisors of Jimmy Carter,	3:19
	and before discussing his record	3:23
	in Georgia and in this campaign, and what that may suggest	3:27
	with respect to the probabilities of his future actions,	3:33
	if he were elected,	3:37
	I think that I'll emphasize	3:42
	that Jimmy Carter is a man who has grabbed for the middle.	3:46
	And you've quoted that New York Times poll	3:52
	which showed that quite a number	3:57
	of Republicans were prepared,	3:59
	if their one of the two candidates is not nominated,	4:02
	to go over to	4:07
	to Carter.	4:10
	Well,	4:11
	in some ways that could be	4:13
	what would be recommended for a candidate.	4:16
	He should be able to have pulling power,	4:19
	not only upon the stalwarts and faithful in his own party,	4:21
	provided he doesn't lose them or diminish their enthusiasm	4:25
	in coming out for the vote and getting other people to vote,	4:29
	but he must also be able to get the shiftable vote.	4:32
	And so I believe that	4:37
	at this time you're right in emphasizing	4:39
	that Carter's	4:42
	prospects look extremely good.	4:45
	For one thing, the Democratic party	4:48
	which has always been subject to jokes by Will Rogers	4:51
	and by Mr. Duly as being without any unity, coherence,	4:54
	or really any definitional existence	5:00
	except that it's not the Republicans.	5:04
	It was thought that it would,	5:07
	in 1976 as in 1972,	5:10
	be riven by dispute.	5:13
	There were so many candidates, you couldn't keep track	5:16
	of the number of Democratic candidates.	5:18
	But now that the bandwagon has begun to	5:20
	to roll, and in one afternoon everybody began to get on it	5:26
	to give Carter what looks to be like the majority he needs	5:31
	on the first ballot, it appears that you have a purring,	5:35
	happy, unified Democratic party which,	5:40
	certainly from a standpoint of the Republican chances, is	5:44
	is somewhat ominous.	5:49
	Well, I think we can count upon the Democratic party	5:51
	to create some of its own internal dissensions,	5:53
	and perhaps the convention in New York	5:56
	will have some young people with long hairdos	5:59
	engage in some disruptive actions	6:04
	so that there will be some dissent.	6:06
	But Governor Carter now looks strong.	6:10
	One guesses that, for a little while,	6:13
	the winds are gonna blow in his direction.	6:17
	He's gonna look stronger and stronger in the polls.	6:19
	There was an interesting article	6:22
	that some of my listeners may have seen	6:24
	in the New York Times or syndicated by the New York Times	6:27
	by William Safire.	6:32
	William Safire is the token conservative	6:33
	on the op-ed page of the New York Times.	6:36
	He was a	6:40
	Nixon man.	6:42
	He was on the conservative side of the White House staff	6:44
	at that time.	6:47
	And	6:48
	he has	6:50
	had what we economists call	6:52
	the extra value of rarity on that New York Times op-ed page.	6:54
	And I don't mean to say that Scotty Reston	6:59
	is a dangerous radical, but	7:02
	I do want to emphasize that what William Safire writes	7:06
	is often rather different from what the others write.	7:10
	And I find it interesting always to read viewpoints	7:13
	which do differ from mine,	7:18
	and William Safire, in his last piece,	7:19
	the one I'm calling attention to,	7:22
	has said just what I'm saying,	7:23
	that Carter's gonna look very strong	7:25
	in the polls for a while.	7:26
	In fact, it's gonna be a case where the Republicans	7:27
	are gonna say we can't win with either candidate,	7:30
	therefore we can go for the man that we really like.	7:33
	And William Safire said, which, David, do you think,	7:38
	of the two Republican candidates,	7:41
	is benefited by that trend we can't win anyway, so--	7:44
-	Probably Reagan, I would say.	7:47
-	Reagan is what, who I think, by the way,	7:48
	is William Safire's candidate, because	7:50
	he regards	7:54
	Ford as a weak	7:55
	man, not with strong ideological conviction,	7:59
	and that Reagan has that stronger conviction.	8:03
	Well, that could, of course, be misleading	8:08
	to go by the ups and downs,	8:11
	and in this case the ups of Carter.	8:14
	The Democrats are looking very good because they're unified,	8:17
	for the moment,	8:19
	and Carter has a lot of pull.	8:21
	He has pull with blacks.	8:26
	He has pull with hard hats.	8:27
	He has pull with people who have religious conviction.	8:28
	Of course, any one of these things may cost him something	8:34
	with the complementary set in the populace.	8:38
	But the Republicans,	8:43
	I think, should not sell themselves short.	8:46
	One thing, I'm speaking as an economist,	8:50
	not as a political science expert,	8:52
	but one thing that people should realize	8:54
	is that there's a function	8:58
	for each of the two political parties.	9:00
	People said, you remember, after the Goldwater disaster,	9:03
	the debacle, the Republican party is dead.	9:06
	Yet the Republican party, like a phoenix,	9:10
	came back to life and actually,	9:13
	in '68 elected a president and again in '72.	9:15
	After the '72 disaster, McGovern,	9:19
	people asked is the Democratic party dead.	9:21
	Now they couldn't be quite so emphatic in	9:25
	bringing out the black cloth for the Democratic party	9:31
	because it still had such a preponderance of	9:35
	regulars who register as Democrats,	9:40
	even though party regularity is not as important	9:43
	as it used to be.	9:46
	But what isn't realized is that the Republican party	9:47
	could die a thousand deaths, and then, at the next election,	9:51
	it would come back in strength because there needs to be,	9:55
	in any democratic political system like ours,	9:59
	I'm speaking teleologically, but you can bet on it,	10:02
	there needs to be a representation of the business interests	10:05
	as well as representation	10:09
	of the poorer part of the population.	10:10
	So it'll always reconstruct itself.	10:12
	What you don't know is whether the Whig party	10:15
	of the pre-Civil War will turn into the Republican party	10:17
	of the post-Civil War and of Abraham Lincoln,	10:19
	but it's really the same party.	10:22
	Now you'll say against me	10:25
	what about the Liberal party in Britain.	10:26
	What about Lloyd George who, after World War I	10:29
	when he was riding very high, actually ruined that party?	10:32
	Well, it's true, but the Liberal party was squeezed	10:36
	between these two great polar economic interests,	10:39
	the Conservative party and the Labor party.	10:43
	And you didn't get those parties eliminated,	10:49
	and so I don't think that the Republicans need,	10:52
	realistically, regard their cause as	10:57
	as lost.	11:02
	There's plenty of time for Carter to make mistakes,	11:03
	and there is a very sizable part of the American population,	11:07
	even if it registers Democratic and thinks of itself,	11:12
	if it thinks of itself in connection with any party,	11:16
	as more connected with the Democratic party	11:19
	than the Republican party, who repeatedly vote Republican.	11:20
	Sometimes, of course, it's an attractive candidate	11:27
	like Eisenhower who brings them out,	11:29
	but sometimes it's the	11:30
	it's the issues	11:33
	which, within the Democratic party,	11:35
	the Democrats cannot stand.	11:38
	We have here in Massachusetts,	11:42
	perhaps the most Democratic state in the Union,	11:44
	the only one which went for McGovern,	11:47
	we have an awful lot of Democratic stalwarts	11:49
	who've always voted Democratic,	11:52
	who are very bitter about the busing issue.	11:54
	I'm thinking of the ethnic whites in the inner city	11:58
	who don't at all like integration	12:02
	of the schools accomplished by busing, and those people are	12:06
	ready at the asking for a Reagan	12:12
	or for a Eisenhower, for a Republican to take them away	12:15
	from their characteristic Democratic allegiance.	12:18
	Well, let's go--	12:22
-	Okay, let me--	12:24
-	Yeah.	12:25
-	Go from here to advisors.
-	Right.	12:28
-	It's often said
	that you know a man somewhat	12:29
	by his friends or advisors.	12:30
	How do you--	12:32
-	Right.
-	Reckon--	12:33
-	Well,	12:34
	let me mention the names of five advisors of	12:36
	of Carter who are personally acquainted with me,	12:41
	whom I know very well.	12:46
	I'm now not talking about the inner Georgia circle.	12:47
-	No.	12:50
-	Of his campaign manager
	and his advertising director,	12:52
	although those people are very important.	12:54
	My own experience with	12:56
	the 1960 campaign of John F. Kennedy,	12:59
	suggested to me that it's important	13:03
	for an analyst	13:08
	to know that a Samuelson as well as a Galbraith	13:09
	was advising John F. Kennedy,	13:13
	but it was also important to know	13:15
	what the personal relationship was of Theodore Sorensen,	13:17
	and of Kenny O'Donnell and of Larry O'Brien,	13:20
	the so-called Irish mafia.	13:23
	They're very important,	13:25
	but they're unknown people nationally.	13:27
	Not only unknown to me but unknown	13:31
	to the politicians around the country,	13:35
	so let's stick with that which is knowable.	13:38
	The economists who have been mentioned	13:41
	as writing position papers and meeting with Candidate Carter	13:44
	have been Lawrence Klein,	13:49
	who's the Benjamin Franklin professor,	13:53
	a very prestigious chair, at the University of Pennsylvania,	13:56
	and a great expert on	13:59
	on computer models for predicting the economy.	14:03
	The Wharton model is his creation.	14:07
	Lawrence Klein.	14:11
	My own colleague at MIT, a younger man, Lester Thurow.	14:12
	Albert T. Summers, who's of the Conference Board,	14:18
	a non-profit business-financed	14:22
	independent economic research organization.	14:25
	There we have three.	14:31
	Martin Feldstein, a young economist at Harvard	14:34
	of rather conservative viewpoints.	14:38
	And finally, from the Harvard Law School,	14:42
	an early adherent of Jimmy Carter,	14:46
	and earliness in these matters sometimes counts	14:48
	for something, like being for Roosevelt before Chicago	14:52
	was a special category back in 1932,	14:54
	is a good friend of mine,	14:59
	Milton Katz at the Harvard Law School.	15:00
	Now it's said that one of Carter's problems	15:05
	is that he has no standing	15:09
	with the effete eastern elite	15:12
	establishment intellectuals.	15:16
	Well, I would submit that these five people	15:18
	will qualify pretty well as belonging to that group.	15:23
	And I don't think that there will be any shortage	15:28
	of volunteers now that the bandwagon has started to roll.	15:31
	People want to sniff a winner and, unless he's really,	15:36
	has a taint of leprosy about them,	15:44
	there'll be no shortage of	15:46
	of lieutenants, and majors, and lieutenant colonels,	15:48
	and also some privates in the rank.	15:52
-	These people all strike me as being	15:55
	in the broad middle ground.	15:56
-	Yes, well, let's analyze that.	15:58
-	Okay, okay.	16:02
-	Martin Feldstein is really on the conservative side,	16:03
	and it says something for a candidate	16:07
	that he's interested in the views of Lester Thurow,	16:11
	my colleague, who, if he was in the middle,	16:14
	but is just in the left of the middle.	16:19
	And Marty Feldstein,	16:21
	whom I would say is a little distance	16:22
	to the right of the middle.	16:24
	Martin Feldstein is an expert on medical economics	16:27
	and on public finance, and he's very much concerned	16:32
	with and rather against the kind of position	16:37
	that Senator Edward Kennedy represents	16:41
	in the public health field.	16:43
	He's afraid of compulsory medical insurance	16:45
	for the American people, Martin Feldstein is,	16:48
	because he thinks it'll run to 70 or 80 billion dollars.	16:50
	It's like adding	16:54
	a third or a quarter	16:58
	to the already existing budget,	17:00
	and we know our hospitals are overcrowded.	17:03
	I'm just quoting Martin Feldstein.	17:05
	He said he doesn't think	17:07
	this is what the American people really want,	17:08
	but there's a danger under populace democracy	17:11
	that this is what they will get.	17:13
	Well, I haven't seen any position papers	17:14
	written by Martin Feldstein for Candidate Carter	17:16
	on this subject, but I can be sure that,	17:21
	if he's asked for one,	17:24
	that he will have the gravest reservations.	17:25
	Now I think we ought to go into	17:29
	the advice which is given by the candidates.	17:33
	We also ought to go into the nature	17:35
	of the candidate himself.	17:37
	In order to understand LBJ, that is Lyndon Baines Johnson,	17:39
	you had to understand his Texas background.	17:44
	Part of a poor state, and although he made a lot of money,	17:46
	he and his wife in TV stations and so forth,	17:52
	and although he was a wheeler and dealer,	17:55
	he liked to look himself in the mirror	17:57
	and think of himself as a Roosevelt New Dealer	17:59
	who was doing something for the poor man.	18:02
	Well, Jimmy Carter comes from very humble background.	18:06
	Plains, Georgia, is small,	18:09
	but he doesn't even come from Plains, Georgia.	18:13
	He comes from the countryside outside.	18:15
	Jimmy Carter has been brought up all his life among blacks,	18:18
	except for his Navy experience.	18:21
	He	18:25
	understands blacks in the sense of a liberal southerner.	18:30
	There was a Harper's article, that some of us will remember,	18:34
	in which it was suggested that Carter was a closet racist.	18:37
	Seems to me that,	18:41
	on the record as I've gone into it in Georgia,	18:42
	the story is quite otherwise.	18:45
	This is why Herman Talmadge and Maddox	18:49
	are very angry with Carter.	18:53
	Carter knows how to get elected.	18:54
	I think we'll grant him	18:56
	(David laughs)	18:58
	that, and he talked in terms	18:59
	which	19:02
	were regarded by the blacks as not unfriendly,	19:05
	and were regarded by the white races,	19:09
	if I could count Maddox as a self-proclaimed	19:12
	man against integration,	19:17
	they thought that Carter was their man.	19:19
	But the moment he got in to be governor,	19:21
	it turned out that he wasn't their man.	19:23
	He was his own man, and for Georgia politics,	19:25
	he was very liberal on the race issue.	19:28
	This must explain why the father of Martin Luther King	19:31
	went with him, why he's had a black vote	19:35
	despite a infelicitously worded,	19:38
	I think I felicitously worded (laughs) that description,	19:43
	remark that he made in Pittsburgh	19:48
	about ethnic purity of neighborhoods.	19:49
	So that, with exception of a few black Georgia politicians,	19:51
	the blacks have been for him.	19:56
	Now what's amazing is that the sort of person	19:58
	for whom Reagan has an appeal,	20:02
	and the hard hats in the north,	20:04
	and who, as whites are sensitized	20:07
	against the competition of blacks,	20:10
	they also have a weakness for	20:12
	for Carter.	20:16
	Well, Carter, I think, can be held down	20:17
	by the advice of somebody like Feldstein,	20:21
	but I think he still will have a inclination	20:23
	towards transfer expenditure	20:28
	of the health type.	20:31
-	Well, his health program	20:34
	is almost approaches Kennedy's program, does it not?	20:35
	It does leave some question open	20:38
	as to whether it's gonna be government or private insurance.	20:40
-	Right, and what you must add to this	20:45
	is the fact that his formative years, 10 years in the Navy,	20:46
	is belonging to a	20:52
	a socialist way of life.	20:55
	Eisenhower, you know,	20:57
	never had the instinctive businessman's reaction	20:58
	about the welfare state, because he had,	21:01
	living on Army reservations, having his wife's health,	21:04
	and his health, his family's health cared for,	21:08
	subsidized housing, never having to pay taxes in those days.	21:11
	If you remember, a officer didn't have to pay taxes	21:14
	on a officer's salary.	21:18
	He was not unsympathetic to the use of strong government,	21:20
	and so I think you will find this strain in Jimmy Carter.	21:23
	I've not found in the record whether, as a peanut farmer,	21:28
	Jimmy Carter has been eligible for agricultural subsidy,	21:32
	but I know from the macro data that much of the income	21:36
	of peanut farmers in this country has come from the AAA.	21:41
	And I daresay that his business enterprise	21:44
	was also nurtured by the welfare state.	21:48
	The conclusion that I come to from this	21:55
	is that Carter will have a very healthy respect	21:58
	for that which will be judged	22:04
	unacceptable by the broad middle range of politics.	22:07
	How or why he ever made that statement	22:12
	that house mortgage interest perhaps should be deductible,	22:15
	not be deductible,	22:20
	I cannot imagine because that's the opposite	22:22
	of what I'm now talking about.	22:24
	I think that somebody who was interested	22:26
	in closing loopholes gave him a complete package and,	22:28
	instead of saying this is political dynamite,	22:32
	political murder, and you've got to go along with it.	22:35
	Same thing, remember in the McGovern campaign,	22:39
	that the amount you give to church,	22:42
	suppose you just go to church once a week	22:45
	and you give a modest couple dollars.	22:49
	What's that, people say you shouldn't	22:51
	get any extra credit for that.	22:53
	It's just for extraordinary philanthropic contributions.	22:54
	Well, you've got every denomination	22:57
	in the land against you on that one.	22:58
	And I think that Jimmy Carter is a fast learner,	23:01
	and that he would drop that sort of talk.	23:04
	But on the other hand, I think there is a threat	23:08
	to the business interests of a strong Democratic president	23:11
	if he has any coattails and brings in, again,	23:16
	a strong, strong majorities in the congress,	23:18
	that tax reform is like the sword of Damocles	23:22
	hanging over the American system	23:27
	because we have unconscionable loopholes	23:28
	from the standpoint of economic logic.	23:31
	And certainly unpopular loopholes	23:35
	still in the tax law from the standpoint of equity.	23:37
	You want to give credit.	23:42
	We oughta say a word.	23:45
	The Wilbur Millses and the Warren Hayses	23:46
	are having their troubles these days	23:49
	as they age ungracefully	23:52
	(laughter)	23:53
	in the public view,	23:55
	but those fellas, being elected and re-elected	23:58
	time after time and being essentially conservative	24:02
	small-time Democrats,	24:05
	have again and again	24:08
	held up	24:11
	the path	24:13
	of logical tax reform.	24:15
	And those days may be getting numbered.	24:18
-	Yeah, certainly Carter's program calls	24:21
	for a complete reform	24:23
	with a genuinely progressive tax system	24:25
	which would mean increase in taxes for the well-to-do.	24:29
-	Oh, yes, and the most damning thing, you know,	24:32
	from the standpoint of the well-to-do,	24:36
	are these rather few individuals,	24:38
	maybe only in the tens of thousands who pay no tax at all	24:42
	because they use every loophole in the book to the limit.	24:46
	And so I think that	24:51
	the stock market,	24:55
	to the degree that it thinks of itself	24:58
	as reflecting the interests of,	25:00
	let's say, the typical person	25:03
	who has over 30 thousand dollars of income per year,	25:06
	would have some reason to increase the odds	25:10
	that one or another of the tax loopholes	25:13
	will be closed in a Carter administration.	25:18
	This would not be true of a Nixon administration	25:23
	or a Ford administration to the degree	25:26
	that the chief executive and his advisors have their way.	25:29
	Of course, they don't have their way	25:33
	when the congress has a majority in the other party.	25:34
-	Yeah, Mr. Carter talks much	25:37
	about reducing the 19 hundred overlapping,	25:39
	uncoordinated, and wasteful federal agencies	25:41
	to some 200 streamlined, efficient units.	25:44
	Can he do it?	25:48
-	I don't think so.	25:49
	You know, everybody, when he writes a textbook,	25:51
	say in economics where there are a lot of textbooks,	25:54
	has to have some new theme,	25:56
	and I always ask a new writer what's your gimmick.	25:59
	(laughs)	26:01
	I think Carter's gimmick in getting into politics,	26:02
	aside from the fact that he wanted the job,	26:04
	was that he would greatly simplify the administrative,	26:06
	bureaucratic structure in Washington in the way	26:10
	that he did in Georgia.	26:13
	Well, I don't know whether he did in Georgia a lot	26:16
	or a little, but I do know from the record	26:19
	that he used patronage in Georgia,	26:23
	that he was a strong executive who could work compromises	26:25
	in the congress, and I don't think that he's gonna be able	26:30
	to take a new broom into Washington.	26:33
	This anti-Washington talk is very popular,	26:36
	but those bureaucracies are quite entrenched	26:41
	and it will be a long, slow process of reform	26:44
	rather than revolution in my judgment.	26:48
-	He's also talks about endorsing the Humphrey-Hawkins bill,	26:52
	but he seems to have some reservations on this--	26:57
-	Yes, now there's, I think the absolute key tip-off	27:00
	of what Carter is like.	27:04
	No Democrat can go against the Humphrey-Hawkins bill	27:06
	at this time.	27:09
	It's like being against motherhood.	27:10
	But he did say that 3% is too low a number.	27:13
	The 4.6%, which I would say is the lowest defensible number	27:17
	that wouldn't cause inflation to accelerate, was his number.	27:21
	So you can see that not only does he have	27:24
	some economic advisors, but unlike the others,	27:26
	he seems to have listened a little bit to them.	27:29
	He has some notion of what the traffic will bear.	27:32
-	Thanks very much.	27:35
	If you subscribers would like to ask questions	27:36
	of Professor Paul Samuelson,	27:39
	or suggest subjects for him to discuss,	27:41
	please write to Instructional Dynamics Incorporated,	27:44
	450 East Ohio Street,	27:48
	Chicago, Illinois,	27:51
	60611.	27:53

Item Info

Title:

Tape 200 - Jimmy Carter: presidential prospects, economic advisors, economic positions, background

Date:

June 1976

Contributor:

Samuelson, Paul A. (Paul Anthony), 1915-2009

Subject:

Format:

audiocassettes

Language:

English

Digital Collection:

Paul A. Samuelson papers, 1933-2010 and undated

Source Collection:

Paul A. Samuelson papers, 1933-2010

Series:

Economics Cassette Series: Paul Samuelson

Rights:

Limited Re-Use

CC BY-NC 4.0

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This material is made available for research, scholarship, and private study. Copyright in this material has not been transferred to Duke University. For reuses of this material beyond those permitted by fair use or otherwise allowed under the Copyright Act, please see our page on copyright and citations: https://library.duke.edu/rubenstein/research/citations-and-permissions.

Identifier:

RL10082-CS-0180
ref2501_o1c
samuelsonpaul
duke:325204
pstau001181
ark:/87924/r4p26qk7x
ba15d3d6-541f-462c-be31-a446cf2ed374

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https://idn.duke.edu/ark:/87924/r4p26qk7x

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Tape 200 - Jimmy Carter: presidential prospects, economic advisors, economic positions, background

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